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Tuesday 15 January 2013

Blood Coltan

Consumers are ultimately funding this bloody conflict through the purchase of small electronics such as mobile phones and playstations.

The mobile phone is a remarkable piece of engineering. But look inside. There’s blood in this machine.

There’s blood in this device because your mobile contains tiny electronic circuits, and they couldn’t work without mineral called COLTAN.

It’s mined in the eastern Congo. There is blood here, the blood of Congolese who are dying in a terrible conflict.

The West’s demand for Coltan, used in mobile phones and computers, is funding the killings in Congo. Under the close watch of rebel militias, children as young as ten work the mines hunting for this black gold.

Blood Coltan exposes the web of powerful interests protecting this blood trade. Meet the powerful warlords who enslave local population and the European businessmen who continue importing Coltan, in defiance of the UN.

Watch the full documentary here







Tuesday 13 November 2012

for a slight change of paradigm...


Noah’s Yacht


… is anchored on a


Half-deserted island, a



Fiscal paradise decorated

With sunny beaches, lots of

Banks, jewellery shops and,

Of course, bespoke fuck-dolls,



Waiting their turn to be

Exchanged for the latest,

Creaseless model…



No Entry! Reads the austere sign

Warning those slaving away

At the flaking business decorum!



Lost is the tongue

Mother gave me

For birthday –



Before trading its

Quick silver for wood,

In half-hearted exchanges…



Quelle langue de bois

Turning humans into

Sociopathic resources…



Trained to obey,

Change course or

Go places,



Shifting gears

To faraway places,

Way behind well-guarded,

Barbed wire fences –



Bang goes my life!



Wasted by herds of

Pin-striped, white-collared

Drones, hedging their Ponzi bets,

Turning manure into gold



And water into wine,

The Trickle-down-my-spine

Effect is traded on the floors of

The Open Prison of Present –



Che Casino Capitalism

Is our Ghost-Modern Age

Circling the drain of Existence!



Sunday 28 October 2012

The Rise of the Machines


 
credits: Stop‑Killer‑Drones.jpg, forbes.com 350 × 235 - Ten Fun Facts About


This short documentary gives an overview of the state of drone technology (short version: further along than you might think) and how its use on civilians is about to explode. Commercial use of drones becomes legal in the US in September 2015. “Copdrones” are one of the targeted uses.

If you thought the US was a police state, you ain’t seen nuthin’ yet.
 


Tuesday 15 May 2012

Rise Up Against the Corporate Military-Industrial Complex and its Permanent War Economy

On the day of the Palestinian "Nakba", when 760,000 Palestinians (whose numbers have swelled to 4.7 million when their descendants are included) fled or were driven out of their homes, we take a look at issues of solidarity transcending their plight, caused by the Human Rights transgressions of the only remaining apartheid state in the world!...


Rise Up!

Rise up against the corporate state’s monopoly on violence and break the will and self-confidence of its ruling elites.

Identify those corporate agents you’ve been taught to admire! Your solidarity will get these “1 percent” financial elites to sense the beginning of their long-awaited end as you, the people, are about to return to your rightful place in society: only then will they learn to respect you!

For you are no banker’s credit-dependent underling and nor are you any trophy-wife, plastically-enhanced, bimbo-trained-as-a-fuck-doll’s servant, destined to be baby-sitting their spoilt offspring…

Stop listening to the commercial advertisements being passed around by the corporate propaganda media mouthpieces as politics! Take heart from Greece and stop going to elections altogether for you are only giving these public-private servants the mandate to exploit you! Refuse to be drafted into the Military-Industrial Complex’s Permanent War economy, turning humans into human resources!

Re-nationalise what had been public… until Milton Friedman’s Chicago School neocon drones told us to believe in the Ponzi schemes of the trickle-down, golden-showers effect!

Regain those crucial elements identifying you as citizens. Re-appropriate the public utilities – the very collateral underpinning the Social Contract, drawn between the law and order administrators and the Civil Society: public water, public education, public health, public roads, public finances, public administration and so on.

Stop looking for short cuts! Stop believing in luck, fate or supernatural, man-made Gods! Start learning and working hard, and respect all those doing the same. Stop the Bologna Process! For education should be anything but a short-cut to a white-collar job as PR, stock-exchange trader or politician. Stop these privatised, academic diploma printing machines, teaching students to learn-on-the-job rather than in the classroom, teaching you to become wage slaves, flexible human resources for the corporation investors’ profit.

Make inequitable profit a crime! Tax the rich until there is a more equitable society and where the elites underpin a meritocracy, not some casino capitalist hall, filled by upstart croupiers! Usher-in an environmentally-sustainable society, where materialism only refers to a scientific view of society, voided of selfish, alienated consumerism induced by bully advertisers.

Regain your critical thinking abilities and understand that you only have one chance at trying to make a qualitative change, a Revolution in your own lives and, more importantly, in laying the foundations for change in your children’s lives… For there is no heaven in the stratosphere and the only bit of “luck” you will ever get is subject to your understanding this before too late!

Sunday 13 May 2012

The Aesthetics of Distracting Media

Culture Machine, Vol 4 (2002)

by Mark Poster


Benjamin's Challenge


'Mankind['s] ... self alienation has reached such a degree that it can experience its own destruction as an aesthetic pleasure of the first order. This is the situation of politics which Fascism is rendering aesthetic. Communism responds by politicizing art' (Benjamin, 1969: 242). So ends Walter Benjamin's path-breaking, stimulating, confusing, and contradictory essay, 'The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical [sometimes Technical] Reproduction'. And so begins a question which has of late become more and more urgent: what is the relation of aesthetics to politics? Can one simply draw an inverse parallel between fascism and communism, the right and the left?

In this article, I shall look at Benjamin's quote and draw attention to something which is often forgotten: I shall place the quote from Benjamin within the context of the rest of his essay, which after all concerns the relation of technology to art, or film, and to a lesser extent photography as media. I shall then briefly sketch a history of several media in relation to art and to politics.

The reassuring smell and touch of book pages, the anticipatory crackle of opening a new music CD, the cozy comfort of surrendering oneself to broadcast television's scheduling, the magical darkness of an audience watching a cinema, the warm community feeling of listening to radio -- these aesthetics of media might now be forgotten. And the politics that accompanies them -- the liberal, autonomous individual of print and film, the pacified consumer of broadcast media -- might also now gradually dissipate with the advent of new media, with their different aesthetics and politics. The screen-network interface of living online (Turkle) absorbs these earlier media, restructures or remediates (Bolter/Grusin) them into the realm of the virtual. The subject position of the user has become a human/machine assemblage and a node, a cyborgian point (Haraway) in a global web of collective intelligence (Levy). What are the politics and aesthetics of this haptic regime?

The Limits of Film as Critique

Benjamin sees the new methods of mechanically reproducing art in his day as contradictory to fascism and promoting revolution: 'creativity and genius, eternal value and mystery', authenticity and aura, tradition and cultural heritage, are principles which he thinks will be brushed away by the cinema (218ff). Mechanical reproduction, he argues, adjusts culture to the increasing importance of the masses in 'reality'. In the case of film, art for the first time is produced without an original; it is created specifically for mechanical reproduction, thereby destroying the link of art to ritual. The reproduction of the filmic work of art is possible because it is recorded, he contends, by a camera. Cameras intervene between the actor and the audience, destroying aura first because the actor cannot adjust to the audience's response in the manner of a feedback loop, and second because the camera takes up positions for the recording which are also later composed through a cutting process by an editor with the result that the audience views what the camera allows, not what the actor intends. The camera then enacts a 'thoroughgoing permeation of reality with mechanical equipment' (234). The mediation of the recording machine, for Benjamin, destroys aura by defeating presence (229). Instead of aura, the actor's performance, enhanced outside the work of art by the culture industry's promotional efforts, elicits 'the spell of the personality, the phony spell of a commodity' (231).

In addition to 'shriveling' the artwork's aura, mechanical reproduction changes the audience. First it brings the work of art to the audience, dispersing copies throughout society as compared with auratic art which must, as an original, be attended in its own space (museums, concert halls, theaters). Film, therefore, is part of society, not distant from it, easy to experience for people regardless of class. Second, in place of a 'reactionary attitude' toward an auratic artwork, the response of the movie audience is 'progressive'. This is so because the audience for a film, unlike a painting, enjoys a 'collective experience' and finds itself in the position of a critic. Audience reaction is progressive also because of the 'shock effect' of film, its continuous changing of viewpoints. The viewer of film must have a 'heightened presence of mind' to follow the shifts in perspective afforded by montage and shifts in the position of the camera. If film is received by the audience in a distracted mode, as compared with the contemplative stance evoked by traditional art, Benjamin stubbornly turns this high-brow dismissal of film into an argument for its politically revolutionary effect. Distracted by the movies, the masses become 'an absent-minded examiner' (241).

The media effect of film -- to dissolve aura and to promote critique -- is not to be equated with the appropriation of film by political movements. Fascists aestheticize politics -- they film their rallies -- in order, Benjamin insists, to keep property intact, and communists turn art into politics, favoring realist styles as a means of extending education about reality. In neither case do these movements intentionally deploy the media effect of art. The surrealists, Benjamin notes, may be revolutionary in politics but their artistic practice is decidedly retrograde, relying upon the aura of the artwork. The one exception in this essay mentioned by Benjamin is the films of Sergei Eisenstein. The media criticism offered by 'The Work of Art' proposes not to reproduce contemporary modes of aesthetics and politics but to introduce a principle of analysis which lies at a level outside the intentions of political and artistic movements. Benjamin's argument for a progressive role of film intervenes at the level of unconscious effects, suggesting that the spread of movies throughout society will gradually produce a more critical and progressive population. This of course is the exact opposite position from his friends Adorno and Horkheimer, whose 'culture industry' chapter in Dialectic of Enlightenment, written a decade after 'The Work of Art,' proposes that the democratic potential of the working class has been eviscerated by popular culture in all its forms -- film, radio, and so forth.

Judged by the history of the past fifty years Benjamin was clearly wrong, although Adorno and Horkheimer may not have been correct either. There has surely been no massive swing to the left during this period in the country where film viewing is most widespread, the United States. To the extent that there have been radical politics such as the anti-war movement, the New Left and the counter-culture of the 60s and 70s, these have been far more influenced by rock and roll music and even television than by film. The civil rights movement of the 60s, the feminist movement of the 70s and 80s, the anti-racism and anti-heterosexism movements of the 80s and 90s cannot be tied convincingly to any particular medium of popular culture. Film then does not promote socialist revolution in any consistent way. But in another sense Benjamin was clearly correct or at least insightful about the analysis of the media. For he heeded the machine. He paid attention, as did few if any others up to his day, to the structure of the mediation of cultural objects (phenomena formerly known as art).

Machine Mediations

Benjamin was wrong about more than the possible critical effects of film. Although he presciently paid attention to the mediation of the information machine he remained tied to the binary opposition presence/absence. For him, presence was associated with aura and conservatism; absence with distraction and radicalism. This contrast does not work. High or traditional art like painting forecloses its media effect: it is, for Benjamin, pure presence. The painting is a direct line to the artist, one that enhances tradition and authority and that reanimates ritual. Arts that sustain aura do not, for Benjamin, have a media effect. The spirit of the artist goes through the material in which her work is presented, touching the viewer. For the actor it is the same: the presence of the actor to the audience is what counts, affording the actor authority. For Benjamin then machinic mediations begin only with lithography and reach their fruition in cinema. This conceptualization of the relation of art to technology fails to account for the differential effects of media, for the always already mediated nature of art. It erects a false opposition between art and technology that spills over into the opposition between Fascism and Communism, aesthetics and politics.

Benjamin does not want to do this, at least his text begins with an assertion that 'a work of art has always been reproducible' (218). But he quickly loses this insight by arguing that 'Mechanical reproduction of a work of art ... represents something new' (218). The difficulty Benjamin has introduced derives from taking a secondary difference and making it primary. Reproducibility is his criterion for technology. Its opposite is the original, such as in painting, which cannot truly be reproduced, although there can be copies, prints, photocopies, etc. But aside from the question of reproducibility, art requires technology: the work of art is always mediated as are all cultural objects, a lesson that deconstruction has taught us well. Reproducibility, that is to say, the absence of an original, is a secondary difference within the technology of culture. Certainly mechanical reproduction marks an important break in the history of culture, a break that leads progressively to Baudrillard's simulacra, to a culture in which originals properly speaking do not play a role in the work of art.

Benjamin's 'mistake,' if I can call it that, is nonetheless productive. His mistake brings into the foreground a leading problem in the theorization of the relation of culture to technology. This problem is made increasingly exigent as art becomes digitized. It is the question of the relative significance of different aspects of technology. How are we to understand the place of technology in the formation, dissemination and reception of cultural objects? Once we acknowledge that technological mediation is a general condition of culture and we recognize that this mediation is not neutral, not to be understood under the sign of the tool, we are compelled to look seriously at the object as a material construct. We are urged to consider the multiple dimensions of the materiality of the object and to assess their relative importance. Such an approach to culture goes against deeply ingrained habits of mind which give prominence primarily to the subject, to the creator, to the heroic individual, to her genius. With the advent of ever more capable, interesting and intelligent technologies, we are advised to heed the object not in a simple reversal but to put forth and conceptually to develop a multiplex standpoint in which both the traditional subject and the traditional object are displaced in new registers of understanding.

Sensible Media Theory

McLuhan began this theoretical reorganization but did not carry it far enough. For him the media were themselves a message but one that was limited to the all-too-human faculty of sensation. McLuhan theorized media in relation to what he called the sense ratio: the relative prominence of a single sensory organ. Books intensified the visual sense, reducing the senses of smell and hearing that were dominant before Gutenberg's invention. Electronic media reversed the situation, bringing especially touch into play. For McLuhan media had their effect on the human being as it was conceived in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Locke and Condillac theorized the human as a machine for receiving and processing sensory information. Condillac's famous statue of clay took on human form as sense capacities were added one by one. These Enlightenment thinkers were determined to root the human essence in the natural and material world, far from the otherworldly imaginings of the priests. McLuhan's innovation was simply to insert media, information machines, into the world of the Enlightenment's human. The great resistance to McLuhan during his life concerned the apparent agency he gave to information machines, an agency that threatened to swamp or to displace the reign of reason over the senses. Yet McLuhan did not reach far enough into this Enlightenment worldview to question the human at the level of culture, the issue of the constitution of the subject.

If McLuhan's media theory failed to open the question of the subject, it also fell short in its theory of the object, the media itself. McLuhan conceived media as 'extensions of man'. Each medium allowed humans to expand the limits of their sensory capacities. Books were excellent memory devices; radio amplified the voice across space; film and television extended the eye's reach throughout the globe. Media for him were thus anthropomorphized. They were theorized as human senses and little more. In this view, the Internet would be understood no doubt as the nervous system and the brain combined. Information machines in McLuhan's theory had no specificity as machines. It is hard to imagine, for instance, what McLuhan would make of the computer screen as interface. His famous 'global village' was a space in which highly extended sense organs attained local presence. Because of television, all human beings, in principle, could experience the same sights and sounds, the same events and do so at the same time. What better definition of a village community?

The otherness of information machines and the destabilization of the subject when interacting with them are lost upon McLuhan. Despite the extraordinary prescience of his understanding of media, McLuhan cannot be our guide in questioning the relation of aesthetics to politics in the era of networked computing.

Underdetermined Art

The question of aesthetics and politics takes on surprising new turns in relation to the medium of the computer. In 1985, the Centre Pompidou opened an exhibit, 'The Immaterials', curated by Jean-François Lyotard that featured the use of computers in art. One installation consisted of several Minitels each containing a document in which intellectuals, writers and artists responded to the curator's request to define certain words (such as freedom, matter, maternal, and so forth). The goal of the installation was to destabilize accepted meanings and to explore the polysemy or 'immateriality' of language. While computers were not necessary for the exhibit, they did allow a form of browsing that amplified the exhibit's purpose. On the screen words were electronic and presumably became less material. In another room, an installation wired each square of the floor which was activated by the movement of the participant. As one walked through the space of the installation, one's body provided inputs to a computer. Sounds and lights changed based on an algorithm programmed into a computer, transforming the participants' input into data, and then into sound and light configurations. (When I was in the room, there were technical problems that aborted the installation, not an uncommon experience in early applications of computers to art.) In both cases, the use of computers facilitated the questioning of the stability or materiality of cultural forms and automatically included the audience in the work of art. Already the position of the audience had changed from the disinterested contemplation of the traditional gallery of paintings to the distracted participation of computerized art. Already the work of art was losing its fixed and delimited characteristics and becoming less of an object than an experience, less determinate.

A decade later artists are far more sophisticated in the application of computers to art projects. Above all, recent installations employ not stand-alone computers, but networked computing. The installation is displaced into cyberspace as well as embedded in traditional sites. An exhibit at the Centre Pompidou in 2001 by George Legrady illustrates the new configuration of aesthetics and politics in relation to the media. Legrady's installation, 'Pockets Full of Memories', calls for visitors to input in digital form some object they regard as important. Visitors to Beaubourg are greeted by a phalanx of scanners, machines which enable the digitization of any object in the visitor's pocket that many be significant, loaded with memories. Those attending the exhibit via the Internet may upload images from their computer. The visitor also may add text to the image of the object. After this contribution to the work of art, the visitor passes, by foot or by computer, into a room with a large wall upon which the digitized objects appear. Before objects appear on the wall, however, a computer program decides upon placement based on a complex set of criteria. Interest in the exhibit lies to a great extent with the relation of objects to one another drawn by the computer. The work of art, the wall, is a collective work, formed by visitors in person, visitors by the Internet, and by the computer program that arrays the images. Once again the mediation of networked computers allows the artist to experiment with including the audience and the machine in the composition of the work. Far from disinterested contemplation or aura, the work appears to the audience as in part its own creation. The clear separation of artist and audience, subject and object, is broken in a new relation of aesthetics and politics.

A final example of the new relation of art and politics is Sharon Daniel's online piece, 'Narrative Contingencies' (http://contingencies.corcoran.org/corcoran/). It reveals a still more elaborate relation of media to the work of art. Unlike Legrady's art, Daniel's exists exclusively on the Internet, removing art completely from traditional spaces of exhibition. The displacement of art from museums, galleries and other places of presence, was in part anticipated by Benjamin, who wrote, 'In the same way, by the absolute emphasis on its exhibition value the work of art becomes a creation with entirely new functions, among which the one we are conscious of, the artistic function, later may be recognized as incidental' (225). For Benjamin film showings throughout society eroded the centrality of the artist. This tendency is developed still further in the placement of the artwork in cyberspace.

'Narrative Contingencies' consists of passages from certain published works which may be commented upon by the online user. The user may add texts and images of her own. A key feature of the work is that the database includes operations that randomly rearrange and alter the texts initially inscribed and added by participants. The resulting work combines the conception of the overall design and selection of initial texts by the artist, the database application by the programmer, texts added by the participant, and the transformation of texts by the program. In this case, the work of art is a collective creation combining information machines with engineers, artists and participants in a manner that reconfigures the role of each. Art is then not a delimited object but an underdetermined space in which subject and object, human and machine, body and mind, space and time all receive new cultural forms.

Sharon Daniel's essay, 'The Aesthetics of Databases', explaining her work, draws directly on the media and makes explicit links with the politics of art. One finds in it many echoes of the 'Immaterials' exhibit such as:

Narrative Contingencies was built based on the assumption, or belief, that -- while it is impossible to escape the image and language of the existing symbolic order it may be possible to restructure them by circumvention and dislocation. It is hoped that a participant -- who is able to find a meaningful interpretation of images and texts that she herself brought together and altered using random or chance operations -- may conclude that relations of meaning are not dependent upon the ordering intention of a single author but inherently contingent upon the subjective location of the reader or viewer. (Daniel, 2000: 209)

Digitized, networked art installs a new relation of art to politics, one in which the stable positions of artist and consumer are erased. Aesthetics of beauty and practices of contemplation are subverted.

The deep rupture introduced into art by the medium of networked computing calls upon critics and theorists to rethink aesthetics and its relation to politics. One critic, Janez Strehovec, proposes that, given the rise of artworks such as those of Legrady and Daniel, we can no longer speak of art but instead of 'would-be-works-of-art'. He defines this conjunctive term as the art of the 'extraordinary'. He writes: 'The key concept of the new aesthetic is therefore not contemplation but immersion based upon atmospheres of the extraordinary' (a-r-c, 3, November 2000, http://a-r-c.gold.ac.uk/a-r-c_Three/a-r-c_Three.html). Acknowledging that theorists such as Heidegger, Benjamin, Baudrillard, Adorno, Barthes and Hegel anticipated the transformation or even the disappearance of art, Strehovec argues that the practice of art in recent years has introduced science and technology in a manner that requires new aesthetic theory. In my view, the concept of the extraordinary does not specify clearly enough the nature of the transformation introduced by new media. I prefer the term 'underdetermination' to suggest the unsettling of basic components of culture in the art of networked computing. From the perspective of new media, art of the modern era preserves features of social practice as much as it sets itself in opposition to them. The critical value of modern art is limited by the form of its objective presentation, that is, it appears as an object that may become a commodity and that reinforces the hegemonic relation of subject to object characteristic of modernity. The art of Legrady and Daniel, by contrast, opens a space of transformation, a complex object that remains incomplete, requiring the viewer to change the object in the process of experiencing it. As such, the art of networked computing brings forth a culture that highlights its future transformation rather than confirming the completeness of the real. This art insists upon the virtuality of the real, its openness to possibility. It solicits the participant not simply to admire the real, or even imagine a critique of the real in the sense of a future happiness (Marcuse). Instead the art of networked computing invites the participant to change the real. If Marx called for philosophy not simply to interpret the world but to change it, the new art, more forcefully than he, fulfills his own purpose.



References


Benjamin, W. (1969) 'The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction' in Illuminations. New York: Schocken. 217-251.

Daniel, S. (2000) 'Collaborative Systems: Evolving Databases and the "Conditions of Possibility" - Artificial Life Models of Agency in On-Line Interactive Art'. AI & Society 14(2): 196-213.







ISSN 1465-4121
Part of Open Humanities Press

Saturday 25 February 2012

The Emperor's Messenger Has No Clothes



by: Robert Jensen, Truthout
 
 
A review of "The Imperial Messenger: Thomas Friedman at Work," by Belén Fernández, published by Verso in its new series Counterblasts, dedicated to "challenging the apologists of Empire and Capital."
 
"The Imperial Messenger" is the Truthout Progressive Pick of the Week and is available directly from Truthout for a minimum contribution by clicking here.
 
What's scary about Thomas Friedman is not his journalism, with its underinflated insights and twisted metaphors. Annoying as his second-rate thinking and third-rate writing may be, he's not the first - or the worst - hack journalist.
 
What should unnerve us about Friedman is the acclaim he receives in political and professional circles.
 
Friedman's New York Times column appears twice a week on the most prestigious op-ed page in the United States; he has won three Pulitzer Prizes; his books are best-sellers; he's a darling of the producers of television news shows; and he fills lecture halls for a speaking fee as high as $75,000.
 
Although his work is stunningly shallow and narcissistic, Friedman is celebrated as a big thinker.
 
MSNBC's Chris Matthews was so excited after a 2005 "Hardball" interview with Friedman that he proclaimed: "You have a global brain, my friend. You're amazing. You amaze me every time you write a book."
 
How does a journalist with a track record of bad predictions and a penchant for superficial analysis - a person paid to reflect about the world yet who seems to lack the capacity for critical self-reflection - end up being treated as an oracle?

The answer is simple: Friedman tells the privileged, and those who aspire to privilege, what they want to hear in a way that makes them feel smart; his trumpeting of US affluence and power are sprinkled with pithy-though-empty anecdotes, padded with glib turns of phrases. He's the perfect oracle for a management-focused, advertising-saturated, dumbed-down, imperial culture that doesn't want to come to terms with the systemic and structural reasons for its decline. In Friedman's world, we're always one clichéd big idea away from the grand plan that will allow us to continue to pretend to be the shining city upon the hill that we have always imagined we were/are/will be again.

As a reporter, columnist, author or speaker, Friedman's secret to success is in avoiding the journalistic ideals of "speaking truth to power" or "afflicting the comfortable." Those ideals are too rarely met in mainstream journalism, but Friedman never goes very far beyond parroting the powerful and comforting the comfortable. Friedman sees the world from the point of view of the privileged, adopting in his own words the view of "a tourist with an attitude" when reporting on the rest of the world.

Here's the problem with that mindset: Around the world, American tourists routinely are experienced as boorish and smug. Around the world, people smile at American tourists and take their money, all the while despising their arrogance and ignorance. Tourists never quite catch on, wondering why the "natives" don't appreciate them.

In her examination of Friedman's work, Belén Fernández explains the danger in America's affection for its No. 1 Tourist Journalist. Her book, "The Imperial Messenger," is as much about the cultural and political crises in the United States as it is about Friedman's flaws. This larger focus transforms what could have been a sarcastic hit piece that took easy shots at Friedman's most mangled prose into a thoughtful meditation from a young journalist willing to state the obvious: the emperor's messenger has no clothes.

After graduating from Columbia University with a political science degree in 2003, Fernández traveled throughout the Middle East, Latin America and Europe. Eventually, her travel notes turned into journalism, as her accounts of people she met and interviewed became stories for web publications. Frustrated by the gap between what she knew from her education and reporting, and Friedman's version of international affairs, she wrote a few short critiques of the Times' columnist in 2009. Then she undertook the systematic review of all his columns since 1995, selections from his writing as a reporter and his books that led to "The Imperial Messenger." In an email interview, she explained how that happened and why.


Robert Jensen: What sparks a relatively unknown journalist with no establishment credentials to research a book that argues one of the country's most well-known journalists is, to put it bluntly, a fool and a fraud? That isn't going to put you in the fast lane for a well-paying job in mainstream journalism.

Belén Fernández: Prior to 2009, my familiarity with the work of Thomas Friedman was basically limited to his notion that France should have been removed from the U.N. Security Council for refusing to support the Iraq war. When I began reading him more extensively, I couldn't believe that no one had debunked him in book form and took it upon myself to do so - naïvely assuming that it would be an enjoyable and relatively simple task. This assumption proved unfounded, as I realized that a book of any real value had to consist of something more serious than 150 pages of making fun of Friedman's blunders and general foolishness.

What kept me going throughout the months of reading and re-reading decades' worth of Friedman's drivel was anger - at his warmongering jingoism, his blatant racism vis-à-vis large sectors of the world's population, and the fact that someone unable to keep track of his own arguments and to refrain from continually contradicting himself had risen to a position of such prominence in the US media.


RJ: What word or phrase would you use to describe Friedman's analytical framework, his way of understanding the world?

BF: Perhaps Friedman's own decree: "Many big bad things happen in the world without America, but not a lot of big good things."


RJ: Good journalists inevitably have to simplify the complex events they report about. You suggest Friedman's work is reductionist. What's the difference between the two?

BF: It's one thing to simplify events and phenomena so that audiences can more easily understand them; it's quite another to brand Palestinians as "gripped by a collective madness" and to whitewash war crimes such as collective punishment.

Recall Friedman's justification [on the "Charlie Rose Show"] in 2003 for the Iraq war: A "terrorism bubble" had emerged in "that part of the world" and had made itself known on 9/11. In order to burst the bubble, US troops needed to go "house to house, from Basra to Baghdad," wielding a "very big stick" and instructing Iraqis to "Suck. On. This." No matter that Friedman himself acknowledged that there was absolutely no link between Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein.

Or recall Friedman's reductionist Tilt Theory of History, which applies to situations in which "you take a country, a culture, or a region that has been tilted in the wrong direction and tilt it in the right direction." Again, "right" and "wrong" as conceived of by Friedman and the US military are passed off as universal truths.

Then we of course have the Golden Arches Theory of Conflict Prevention, which posits that no two countries that host McDonald's establishments have gone to war with each other since each acquired its McDonald's. This delightful discovery regarding the harmonious effects of American fast food and US corporate dominance is cast into doubt when, shortly after the theory's birth, 19 McDonald's-possessing NATO countries go to war with McDonald's-possessing Yugoslavia.

Around this same time, Friedman's reductionist assessment that "America truly is the ultimate benign hegemon" is contradicted by such things as his simultaneous entreaties for "sustained," "unreasonable," and "less than surgical bombing" of Serbia.

His economic reductions meanwhile rarely withstand the test of reality. Friedman exulted over the Irish economic model in 2005, threatening Germany and France that they had better follow the "leprechaun way" - by, inter alia, making it easier to fire workers - in order to avert economic decadence. The leprechaun way merits no further mention following the collapse of the Irish economy.


RJ: Friedman seems to defy easy political categorization. He doesn't fit into the categories of liberal or conservative typically used in mainstream politics in the United States. What word or phrase would you use to sum up Friedman's politics?

BF: Schizophrenic? For example, he advertised the Iraq war as "the most radical-liberal revolutionary war the US has ever launched" while simultaneously defining himself as "a liberal on every issue other than this war" and the war as part of a "neocon strategy." During an encounter with Haaretz journalist Ari Shavit in 2003, Friedman described the alleged war for democracy in Iraq as not a war that the American masses demanded but rather a war of an elite.

Friedman's consistent championing of policies benefiting the corporate elite - most recently in his campaign to slash corporate taxes and entitlements in the aftermath of the financial recession - would locate him on the right of the ideological spectrum, though he intermittently endeavors to disguise himself as a "Social Safety Netter" or a "radical centrist." According to Friedman, the current key to establishing a "party of the radical center" is a bizarre entity called Americans Elect, which will field a third presidential ticket in 2012 elected via "internet convention" and which Friedman acknowledges is funded with "some serious hedge-fund money" courtesy of investor Peter Ackerman. Centrism indeed.

At a presentation at a university in Istanbul in 2010, Friedman classified himself politically as neither a Democrat nor a Republican but rather a disciple of billionaire investor Warren Buffett's theory that "everything I got in life was because I was born in this country, America, at this time, with these opportunities and these institutions." Friedman reiterated his duty to pass on a similar situation to his children. As I say in my book, foreign audiences and non-billionaires might be forgiven for a lack of complete sympathy.


RJ: You decided to focus on three subjects in the book: "America," "the Arab/Muslim world" and the United States' "special relationship" with Israel. Why did you pick those?

BF: No book on Friedman would have been complete without a section on his grating patriotic obsession with the United States and his view of the country as a global role model and civilizing force. Given that the Arab/Muslim world is so often on the receiving end of the US military's civilizing endeavors, I decided it was also crucial to devote a section to Friedman's unabashed Orientalism and his dehumanizing and patronizing contempt for Arabs and Muslims, which he naturally attempts to disguise as concern for their freedom.

The "special relationship" with Israel is more a reference to Friedman's own function as an apologist for crimes committed by the Jewish state. He purports to be a serious critic of Israel, but his criticism is largely restricted to the issue of settlements, which he criticizes because he views them as jeopardizing the perpetuation of ethnocracy and Israel's ability to continue denying Palestinians equal rights in a single multi-ethnic democracy. Right-wing Zionists are increasingly condemning Friedman as anti-Israeli and a pro-Palestinian militant, which raises a question - with enemies like Friedman, who needs friends?


RJ: Your own political views are clearly at odds with Friedman's. How would you answer critics who might suggest your book is just a polemic about those issues, not about Friedman?

BF: One of the most fundamental problems I have with Friedman is that he uses his elevated position to belittle human suffering and to encourage the slaughter of civilians, as he did during Israel's Operation Cast Lead in Gaza (2008-09), when he invoked Israel's "logical" mass targeting of civilians in Lebanon in 2006 as an optimistic precedent.

I don't think it's possible to reduce this to a clash between political views. As I point out in the book, it is not up to Friedman to decide that the Fourth Geneva Convention prohibiting collective punishment and targeting of civilians in wartime is illogical. Given his influential position in foreign policy circles, I don't classify his promotion of the notion that some human beings are inherently inferior and more expendable than others, and that corporate profit supersedes human life in importance, as merely politically misguided. I classify it as criminal, and I consider him to be personally responsible and not just a product of the system in which he flourishes.


RJ: After this rather unorthodox start to your publishing career, what comes next?

BF: For the moment my plan is to travel to Peru and Bolivia and see what happens, and hopefully to not encounter anyone who has ever heard of Thomas Friedman.



This work by Truthout is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 United States License.

Wednesday 25 January 2012

Call for the World Social Forum Free Palestine, Nov. 2012 in Brazil

Posted on by StopTheWall Campaign


Occupied Palestine is part of every free heartbeat in this world and her cause continues to inspire solidarity across the globe. The World Social Forum Free Palestine is an expression of the human instinct to unite for justice and freedom and an echo of the World Social Forum’s opposition to neo-liberal hegemony, colonialism, and racism through struggles for social, political and economic alternatives to promote justice, equality, and the sovereignty of peoples.

The WSF Free Palestine will be a global encounter of broad-based popular and civil society mobilizations from around the world. It aims to:
1. Show the strength of solidarity with the calls of the Palestinian people and the diversity of initiatives and actions aimed at promoting justice and peace in the region.
2. Create effective actions to ensure Palestinian self-determination, the creation of a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, and the fulfillment of human rights and international law, by:
a) Ending Israeli occupation and colonization of all Arab lands and dismantling the Wall;
b) Ensuring the fundamental rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; and
c) Implementing, protecting, and promoting the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in UN resolution 194.
3. Be a space for discussion, exchange of ideas, strategizing, and planning in order to improve the structure of solidarity.

Exactly sixty-five years after Brazil presided over the UN General Assembly session that agreed upon the partition of Palestine, Brazil will host a different type of global forum: an historic opportunity for people from all over the world to stand up where governments have failed. The world’s people will come together to discuss new visions and effective actions to contribute to justice and peace in the region.

We call on all organizations, movements, networks, and unions across the globe to join the WSF Free Palestine in November 2012 in Porto Alegre. We ask you to join the International Committee for the WSF Free Palestine, we will establish as soon as possible. Participation in this forum will structurally strengthen solidarity with Palestine, promote action to implement Palestinian’s legitimate rights, and hold Israel and its allies accountable to international law.

Together we can raise global solidarity with Palestine to a new level.

Palestinian Preparatory Committee for the WSF Free Palestine 2012

Secretariat members:
· PNGO – Palestinian NGO Network
· Stop the Wall – Palestinian grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign,
· OPGAI – Occupied Palestinian Golan Heights Advocacy Initiative

· Alternatives represented by:

Alternative Information Center,
Teacher Creativity Center

· Ittijah

· General Union of Palestinian women

Coordination office:

PNGO – Palestinian NGO Network
Tel: +970 2 2975320/1
Fax: +970 2 2950704
E mail: samahd@pngo.net